Perceptions of Kurds and Turks
by
BEJAN MATUR*
Discussions over a legal instrument that will ensure that those in mountains abandon violence have restarted. We all wonder how effective implementation of the projected law will affect central politics.
What I really wonder is how the Democratic Society Party (DTP), unable to generate political solutions due to its close attachment to the advocates of violence, will be affected by the introduction of this law. To better understand this, it is necessary to take a look at the DTP’s world.
I was in Diyarbakır when the DTP held a rally there; just like the other rallies in Batman and Van, the one held in Diyarbakır also failed to attract a large number of participants. While hundreds of thousands were expected at the famous İstasyon Square, attendance remained at tens of thousands. At the time of the rally, the streets on the Ofis were packed; a friend of mine explained the low participation in the rally: “People no longer come together based on motives like identity and political honor. Despite the rally over there, young people spend time on the Internet chatting with their friends or flirting with their lovers at social venues. Diyarbakır is changing. Nobody is able to bring them to that square.” Yes indeed; Diyarbakır is changing. I asked the mayor of the town what the DTP promised to these people, the consumers of the growing number of new buildings, parks, malls and bowling alleys. Without hiding that he was uneasy about the question, the mayor said their projects might be offered as a model for all of Turkey. How the DTP, which did not make any concrete proposals other than convincing those in mountains to return to their homes and evicting [Abdullah Öcalan from] İmralı will preserve its electoral base in the upcoming local elections is a matter of curiosity. Both the remarks by the mayor and my impressions during my contacts show that they are aware they are losing support. But unfortunately, the DTP still fails to generate an alternate mechanism to appreciate the signal for change.

For most people in Diyarbakır, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) is an outcome, the outcome generated by an existing problem. For them, the PKK is a political structure that resorted to violence for the sake of Kurdish rights. Armed violence is only part of the whole picture; it is a miniscule detail that needs to be resolved immediately. They are talking about a political structure with 2 million voters and international supporters. For them, violence constitutes a very small part of the problem. Not only that, but the definition of terrorism is different in Diyarbakır. For them, terrorism is some sort of violence when committed without any political goals. They argue that PKK violence includes political objectives just like the cases in Ireland and Spain. A member of the DTP told me the following to substantiate his arguments: “Our party gained representation in Parliament via the votes of families whose children are in the mountains; it is unfair to expect us to call them terrorists.” He underlines that their children are in the mountains to preserve Kurdish honor, not to kill innocent people. The DTP figure also says that the families whose children are in the mountains say they voted for the DTP to create solutions and bring their children back.

These remarks include the most crucial tips for us to understand the formation of values within the intra-party hierarchy. The sacrifices made during a 30-year “struggle” determine the roles in the hierarchy. For instance, there is a category called “C” which stands for ex-”convicts” who are entitled to greater and influential roles in party politics; in addition to the C category, the families whose sons and daughters are in the mountains have priority in political activities and role distribution. In other words, there is a price for the blood spilled. The sacrifices determine the very base of the system. Because of this, the party is unable to produce a democratic mechanism despite growing demands for change. Also, because Stalinism is the dominant ideology in the party structure, it constantly regenerates consistent logic. When I asked the same politician how his “blood politics” may be overcome, he said: “Absolute nonviolence might be a philosophy, but we are engaged in politics not philosophy.” When I made a reference to Gandhi, he recalled the realities of the Middle East. When I added, “Was India a less-troubled geography?” he preferred silence.

The terminology to rationalize violence already exists in minds; a lot of people do not believe that violence targets the lives of innocents. For instance, they say, “The PKK did not kill minors.” They further argue that Abdullah Öcalan deserves respect because he never picked up a weapon. Remarks by Batman Mayor Hüseyin Kalkan, who asserted that “our people in the mountains are the most honorable,” illustrates a serious perception gap. This honor thing is actually one of the most important arguments which should be examined closely in order to decipher how the issue is perceived by the parties. In other words, for an ordinary Kurd, voting for the DTP is a symbol of honor and freedom. For him, staying in the valley implies a lack of bravery. A political movement that abundantly uses the notions “free men” and “slaves” opts to refer to those in the mountains as free men and those in the valleys as the latter, implying that they have submitted to the dominant authority. It should be said that (Abdullah) Öcalan has frequently stated “I want at least one martyr from every Kurdish family; Kurdish history has been blemished; it should be purified through blood only. This history should be purified even if it takes the lives of millions of Kurds.”

True, the DTP as a legal party represented in Parliament should make it clear that it distances itself from violence and terrorism. Unfortunately, sociology is not a field of such simple actions. The people hold that violence should first be stopped before the rights of Kurds can be discussed. While for the Kurds, those in the mountains should return to their homes first. Because this is the case, while those in the West identify the armed people in the mountains as terrorists, at least some of the Kurds view them as those who are struggling for freedom and hold that the price paid in the struggle should have a political meaning. Otherwise, why have so many people died? A politician asks: “30,000 people have died; 25,000 were our sons. Will there not be any price for this? Did they die for nothing?” He prefers silence when I say: “If you go with this logic, the only mechanism that this price psychology will generate is to keep paying the price.” Obviously, the price of the conscience is higher than the price of politics.


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* Bejan Matur is a poet.

14.12.2007
Op-Ed

100 % bullshitting what Matur and then you did here... cant u advise her to learn and write more poetry? and cant u find a better writing to post here?

well, she tries to understand and show how violence is internalized by the people. If you are for violence, it might be hard for you to understand her. If I were you, I would at least try to understand her rather than calling the text as "bullshit."

If you are a Turkish nationalist, that means you did not understand what she means. If you are a Kurdish nationalist, that means you prefer violence over a peaceful solution.

The poet lady has a perfect grasp of the situation...

I dont mind PKK supporters to remain on the mountains. They may be after a "price"...but they are more likely to get a "prize"...in a big surprise package !

Those Kurds who wish to remain as Turkish citizens, sharing the fate of all the others, within the boundaries of the Republic, in good will and loyalty are our brothers.

I honestly support any effort to eliminate factors that disturb and hurt our citizen Kurds.

There is however, no deal or a common understanding to be reached with PKK and supporters, until terror stops completely and unconditionally. It will be stopped.