“Hrant Dink had formulated that very well: Ali should throw the ball to Hagop. It´s time; indeed, the time is past. We should say enough is enough. Ali has been playing ball only with other Ali´s; but when he starts to play with Hagop, there will be a better game because there will be a better team. We will solve the problem when we realize this,” said Erkam Tufan Aytav, who wrote the book “Being Other in Turkey” (“Türkiye´de Öteki Olmak&rdquo based on his interviews with eight people who are members of Turkey´s different communities that have been singled out as “others” for a long time.

“But education alone is not enough. Media has an important role in hate speech, which should be considered a crime against humanity, should be eliminated in the media and from publications that lean toward the left or the right because they all use it,” he added.

In Aytav’s categories of “others” are Turkey’s Jews, Greeks, women who wear headscarves, Armenians, Syriacs, Kurds, Alevis and Roma. His book consists of interviews with writer Mario Levi, Işık University engineering faculty dean Yorgo Stefanopulos, Taraf daily columnist Hilal Kaplan, İstanbul Bilgi University sociology professor Arus Yumul, Syriac Catholic Community board of directors head Zeki Basatemir, activist and writer Altan Tan, historian and writer Reha Çamuroğlu and İstanbul Roma Association head Aydın Elbasan.

Answering our questions, Aytav informs us about being “the other” as he considers himself one of the “others” even though he says he once belonged to a “happy minority.”

Ömer Laçiner wrote in the foreword that as far as he knows, this is the first book that directly addresses the Turkish Muslim majority. Is that right?

This is unfortunately right as far as I can see, even though I haven’t made a through research of the whole literature created for that population.

Has addressing that community been your goal?

Yes. I’ve especially chosen a publishing house that is geared toward a population with Islamic sensitivities. Indeed there is only a small and “happy” minority in Turkey. The rest, probably about 98-99 percent of the population, even though they are the majority in the numerical sense, are all “others.” Those “others” are pushed out by the system; however, they themselves see each other as “others” when they are categorized, let’s say, as Alevis, Kurds, Armenians, Roma, etc. Interestingly, they see and label each other through the eyes of the system. This viewpoint creates problems in society.

What kind of problems?

As much as Kemalists and strict secularists tend to create unified types -- Muslim Hanefi Turks – and see the rest as “others,” Muslim Hanefi Turks tend to view people who are different from them as “others,” whether those “others” are Armenians, Alevis, Kurds or Roma. However, I am hopeful that people who have Islamic sensitivities – unfortunately, not the Kemalists or strict secularists -- might be a locomotive for a democratic and pluralist Turkey because they are the ones who demand more democracy as they’ve become more integrated with the world. Still, there is an issue: how they view the “other.” They have to face up to the fact that they also view people who are different from the majority as the “other.” They have to change that view and empathize. Even though I target a wide majority of the population to read and learn from the book, I hope conservative Muslim Turks will read the book carefully in order to speed up the democratic development of Turkey.

‘Younger Muslim Turks more democratic’

Were you worried that conservative Muslims would not react very positively to the ideas in your book?

I was worried in the beginning, but I’ve been proven wrong. I’ve realized that I’ve not known conservative Muslim Turks that well. In particular, the younger generation is more open and democratic in that regard; they are more pro-freedom. I’ve not received any negative reactions from people who have Islamic sensitivities; on the contrary, I’ve been praised. I think this is because the book is concerned with human feelings, our conscience. When people listen to how “others” have been made “others,” how much they suffered, they feel empathy.

For example?

Think about two young people, one Muslim and one Armenian or Greek – both are Turkish citizens who study in the same schools throughout their basic education years. There comes a time for them to make choices for what they are going to do in the future, what they are going to choose as professions. The Armenian or the Greek youth knows that he or she can’t choose certain professions, like a military career, a career in the police force, a career in public service, an occupation like being a governor. Don’t we feel bad for that young person because she or he can’t pursue her or his dreams? Their dreams are hindered. This is a crime against humanity.

What do you think about the establishment of the republic with a certain ideology?

The establishment of the republic occurred following major wars and tragedies. I am from İzmir, and what has been etched in my memory since my childhood is that some Greeks from İzmir had welcomed the Greeks who were going to occupy the city. This tragedy has been passed down through the generations in each year’s Sept. 9 celebrations [liberation of İzmir from Greek occupation] in İzmir. At the same time, with the establishment of the republic, Anatolia has been Islamized as it had never been before. Non-Muslims have been mostly expelled. However, it has been wrong to present the case even today as if all non-Muslims in Turkey have been traitors. The official republican ideology with their hands in the media and education has been doing this; the hands of the media have been especially dirty in this regard. We don’t need to do that anymore. I’d like to point out that the United States government started treating all Muslims as “terrorists” following Sept. 11 when the number of deaths had no comparison to the number of deaths in the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the War of Independence. Even though we should not approve such discriminatory practices following such tragedies, we have to understand the circumstances that have created the paranoia.

‘Either be assimilated or leave’

You indicate in your book that the policies of the republic have created some “crypto” people, be they Armenians or Greeks.

Yes. This is the result of the dictated policies: Either be assimilated or leave, just like what former President Süleyman Demirel had said when he told women who wear headscarves to go to Saudi Arabia. This is the language of the system: Love it or leave it. If you don’t want to leave or if you cannot leave, what you will have to do is to become isolated, to hide, to change your name and to be silent about your “other” identity. You never say you are Alevi, Armenian or Kurd or that you belong to a sect. So all of Turkey becomes a masked ball.

In recent years, there have been more and more people who have been revealing their “other” identities.

Definitely. In some intelligence documents, there are worrisome statements about the number of people who are becoming Christians. Indeed, these are people who have been Christians, but they had not revealed their identities until recently. Armenian Patriarch Mesrob Mutafyan had told me that as society has been becoming more democratic, those people have been demanding that they be baptized.

It seems like the people who carry the “other” identity in a way have common concerns in Turkey. They are usually told by their parents to keep that identity to themselves.

They are trying to protect their children. Crypto Armenians or Alevis exist. This is normal in such a society that has made discrimination a state policy for a long time.

You get into the relations of Alevis with the republican system. You think the Stockholm Syndrome explanation falls too short to explain it.

It is not fair to Alevis to explain their relations with the system only in the framework of the Stockholm Syndrome. First of all, there is a deep distrust both by Alevis toward Sunni Muslims and by Sunni Muslims toward Alevis. And Alevis are afraid of new Kerbelas. They prefer secular Kemalists to pious Sunni Muslims. It is correct that the fire at the Madımak Hotel occurred as a result of a provocation, but it is not enough of an explanation. Sunni Muslims should questions themselves more: Why are they prone to provocation?

All ‘others’ have mutual problems

The issue of distrust is a problem that we see in people’s, in all others’ relations with the rest of the society, right?

That’s right, and the republican system has played a major role to deepen that distrust. If all “others” come together and talk about their problems, they will see that their problems are usually mutual and related to freedom of expression and belief and basic human rights; they all stem from the system of the state.

A lot of people you interviewed indicated that education is the best remedy to bring down walls before people and to eliminate prejudices.

Hrant Dink had formulated that very well: Ali should throw the ball to Hagop. It’s time; indeed, the time is past, we should say enough is enough. Ali has been playing ball only with other Ali’s; but when he starts to play with Hagop, there will be a better game because there will be a better team. We will solve the problem when we realize this. But education alone is not enough. The media has an important role in hate speech; it should be considered a crime against humanity, should be eliminated from the media, from publications that lean toward the left or the right because they all use it.

And the school textbooks…

If we had learned Alevism as well as Islam as Sunni Muslims learned their own beliefs, we would probably have been different people. There have been hundreds of thousands of Hagops in Anatolia, there are still some. There are Yorgos. They are not “foreigners,” they are from here.

Your interviewees also indicate that there is more openness in the society since the 1990s.

Starting with the Özal [former prime minister and President Turgut Özal] years, society has been breaking out of its shell. In more recent years, with the AK Party [ruling Justice and Development Party] government, we have seen some improvements with several initiatives, be it the Alevi initiative or the Kurdish initiative, even though these are not enough. Indeed, a political party that bases its policies on the concept of equal citizenship rights cannot yet be a winner in a society that still sees “others” almost as equal to “enemies within.” No political party would be able to derive courage from that kind of a society. Unfortunately, a liberal party that would point out the concept of equal citizenship would receive very few votes.

In your foreword in the book, you say that Turkey’s “others” alternate between feelings of having hope and hopelessness.

There is a big hope because there is some change signaling that the status quo is not going to be permanent. Turkey’s accession process to the European Union also backs those hopes. In addition, Fethullah Gülen’s contacts with Turkey’s “others” influenced how the majority of people in the society views “others;” think about Gülen’s meetings with Armenian and Greek patriarchs in Turkey, in addition to his meetings with the Jewish religious leader. Such relations led to a new thinking in society. Other opinion leaders should show the same courage. Also “others” should open themselves up and interrelate with the rest of the society even though there is a “fear factor.” A woman who wears a headscarf should question the official nationalist presentation of the Kurdish issue as much as an Armenian should struggle for the rights of women who wear headscarves.

Ekrem Tufan Aytav’s story: From ‘happy minority’ to ‘the other’

What is the story of Erkam Tufan Aytav? You started out as someone from the “happy minority” but have since become included in the group of “others.” How come?

 I am from a Sunni Turk family who identifies with a secular lifestyle. I was never in conflict with the republican system from the beginning up to my university years. I grew up with the “ugly” images of “Islamist” in my mind created by the Gırgır humor weekly. I didn’t known what an Alevi was until my best friend told me years after we had first met in middle school. Kurdish, same story, why do they fight? What do they want? We live together, happily and merrily. I’ve known Armenians because they were our neighbors in İstanbul, but they moved out of the country. Even one of my best friends from the Armenians never told me why they were leaving. I’ve seen the “skittishness of a dove” that Hrant Dink had mentioned in those Armenian families. I always remember the jokes of Turkish children for our Armenian friends; they’d say “Atatürk should have sent you away, too” or “Armenian offspring.” During my university years, I was in contact with people with Islamic sensitivities; I’ve met Fethullah Gülen, whose ideas have changed a lot in my life. Until that time, I was living as a “happy minority.” Then I became the “other.” This was my luck.

You see being “the other” as an opportunity.

It has added a lot to my life. Otherwise, I’d probably never have had a chance to establish the kinds of dialogues that I am able to do now. I am still learning. For example, Roma people; I’d never imagined that they wouldn’t be accepted to public office or as civil servants. How would they be singled out? Not all dark-colored people are Roma. I’ve learned that the state knows from the records of where they live. Yorgo Stefanopulos said the same thing -- they were complaining that the state doesn’t know them, but indeed the state knows them all too well.

Erkam Tufan Aytav

Born in İzmir and completed his education in İstanbul, Aytav describes himself as one of the “others” since he is a follower of Fethullah Gülen’s ideas. After being involved in freelance journalism in the past, he served in 1998-2008 as the general secretary of the Diyalog Avrasya Platform. He also was the chief editor of the Da magazine. He is currently the general secretary of the Journalists and Writers Association Medialog Platform. He produces radio programs on Burç FM and writes column at haber7.com. He is the writer of the recent book “Being Other in Turkey” (“Türkiye’de Öteki Olmak&rdquo published by Mavi Ufuklar

Minister Ertuğrul Günay told reporters that the files related to the Selimiye Mosque´s inclusion in the list have been forwarded to an upper commission. “I think this is very good news. I hope the Selimiye Mosque makes it onto the list by June 19,” he said. The Selimiye Mosque is one of the most important architectural structures remaining in Turkey from the Ottoman era.

UNESCO, operating under the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, has two lists: the World Heritage List and the World Heritage Tentative List. In order to be included in the World Heritage List, sites first have to be admitted to the World Heritage Tentative List.

Turkey saw 23 of its sites included in the UNESCO tentative list in 2009 and 27 by 2011. A total of 704 cultural areas from around the world are currently listed on UNESCO´s permanent list, in addition to 180 natural properties and 27 others.

The proposed inclusion of Turkey´s 27 cultural areas, which are currently on the tentative list, is expected to be taken up at a UNESCO meeting scheduled to convene on June 19-29.

Turkey currently has nine historical and cultural sites on the World Heritage List: Göreme National Park and the rock formations of Cappadocia, the Great Mosque and Hospital of Divriği, the historic areas of İstanbul, the Hittite capital of Hattusha, Mount Nemrut, Hierapolis-Pamukkale, Xanthos-Letoon, the city of Safranbolu and the archaeological site of Troy.

Laden was killed early May by US commandos in a raid on his hideout in Abbottabad, Pakistan, and his body was dumped at sea, reportedly in the North Arabian Sea. The killing of bin Laden is believed to be in revenge for al-Qaeda´s attacks on New York and Washington on Sept. 11, 2011 that killed nearly 3,000 people. Following the attacks, al-Qaeda argued it was carried out on behalf of all Muslims worldwide, but a majority of the Turkish population is not of the opinion that the terrorist group and its slain leader represent Muslims.

The MetroPOLL survey found that 78 percent of all respondents do not believe that bin Laden represented the Muslim world. Only 11 percent said the contrary, and another 11 percent declined to comment. According to 71.1 percent of respondents, the killing of bin Laden will boost acts of terrorism in the entire world. Only 10.8 percent said his killing will decrease such acts. Only a few days after the US killed the terrorist leader, al-Qaeda warned of retaliation, saying the Americans´ “happiness will turn to sadness.”

In response to a question on what they think about the US forces killing an unarmed bin Laden, 61.7 percent said they did not find it right. More than 24 percent, on the other hand, said they found it right. According to an overwhelming 78.3 percent, bin Laden should have been tried instead of being killed.

In a separate question, 49.5 percent of respondents said the Sept. 11 attacks were a “US conspiracy” and not carried out by bin Laden of his own free will. Slightly more than 25 percent, however, said the attacks were carried out by al-Qaeda upon an order coming from bin Laden.

It may be Mother’s Day throughout the world today, but in that small town in Afyon Mother’s Day was celebrated just two days ago on Friday. There was nothing special about this past Friday, as each Friday is a cause for celebration in Başmakçı. In fact, this practice is so common that if you gathered children off the street and asked them to name the days of the week they would list them as: Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Mother’s Day, Saturday and Sunday.

Mother’s Day in Başmakçı began as a way for young women who had married and moved away to visit their mothers, a local tradition observed so the new brides would not forget about their maternal mothers and live completely with their in-laws. On this particular day of the week, women are taken by their husbands or fathers-in-law to see their mothers, who prepare by making their daughters’ favorite dishes, putting the kettle on for tea and awaiting their arrival.

‘Mother’s Day for centuries’

In this quaint Anatolian town, Mother’s Day is a day of shopping as well as a day off. With the exception of government offices, all businesses are closed. A large bazaar is set up in the town square and entire day is spent shopping and visiting mothers. In the past more than now, this would allow for young girls who were married to get in touch with their families, as they would have limited contact with their parents back home.

Vehbi Ersöz, a farmer from Başmakcı, sees the regional celebration as a social success. Noting that this custom helps strengthen family ties, “The modern world has weakened family ties and as a solution to individuality, they have declared Mothers’ and Fathers’ days as holidays observed once a year. These holidays, which emerged as a result of consumerism, are actually geared towards re-strengthening family ties. This practice discovered relatively recently by the modern world, has been practiced in our town for hundreds of years.’

Spending time with mothers

Now one would think that sons-in-laws do not get much out of this weekly event, but that is not the case. On this day, mothers prepare a special wrap for their sons-in-law, who would come pick up their wives at the end of the day. This special “kaynana dürmeci” (mother-in-law wrap) is made of flat bread stuffed with çökelek cheese and spinach.

Cab driver Şerif Cansever says that because the people of the region practice this custom so regularly, they are not aware of how wonderful it is. Outsiders visiting the town are amazed at the practice and its regularity, he notes, adding: “They sit at my office and just watch the mothers and daughters come and go all day, those visiting their mothers at home, those shopping with their mothers. Every Friday is like a holiday.”

Governor Şehabettin Harput of the northwestern city of Bursa says nine other people have also been injured.

The clashes erupted on Saturday when police prevented Bursaspor fans from assualting Beşiktaş supporters in an apparent revenge attack following last year´s street fights in İstanbul.

No Beşiktaş fans were injured but the clashes trapped the team´s players in their hotel.

Hundreds of Bursaspor supporters, wanting to prevent opposition fans from entering the venue, began to fight with police and pelted them with stones. 

Television images showed riot police using pepper spray and water jets to disperse the crowds. According to broadcaster CNN Türk, some fans armed with baseball bats were still waiting outside the stadium.

It has been discussed all through 2011 that this could be the last year for the Turkish Grand Prix. In the recent weeks, Turkish authorities have begun to confess that they may not be able to keep hosting the event in Turkey, meaning that the country may vanish from the Formula One calendar. Little audience interest is considered to be the main reason for the Turkish authorities’ reluctance to provide money for the race, which can only continue if Turkey agrees to pay $26 million to the F1 management, as the contract between the two sides terminates this year.

The race’s potential spectators on the streets of İstanbul are not happy that the Formula One is about to bid farewell to Turkey. Even though most of them never showed up at İstanbul Park, they still say it is sad that the event’s final edition is taking place this year. The city’s residents emphasize that the event was good for promoting Turkey, it contributed to the economy and hosting such a world-class sporting event was a good experience.

And this is what respondents told Sunday’s Zaman upon hearing that the İstanbul Grand Prix may soon be gone for good:

Hasan Kömürcü (37), a security officer, believes the termination of Turkey’s F1 hosting rights is a negative development. “It is an advantage for Turkey to improve its skills as a host of sporting events. The continuation of the F1 would be useful for the people [of Turkey],” adds Kömürcü, who once worked as a security officer at the event.

Refik Yakar (33) from the tourism sector, is also saddened by Formula One’s departure from İstanbul, although he never considered watching it live. “It is a good thing that Turkey hosts such a large international event. I didn’t follow it much but it is sad that this year is the last time,” says Yakar, adding that the event provided employment for many people and it was good for promoting Turkey around the world.

Serhat Hatipoğlu (21), an IT technician who does not seem to be a huge Formula One fan, says it is still not good that the race is taking place in İstanbul for the last time this year. “Many people I know love the F1. I have never been to a circuit to watch the races live but I was considering it.”

Ergün Sezgin (27) and Mahmut Küsbeci (26), both F1 fans, say that people wished they could see the event live in Turkey, then did not pay any attention to it once it was launched. “İstanbul has a population like a country, but we still couldn’t fill the stands. After it is gone, we will wish for it to come back so we can go watch it,” notes economist Sezgin, who planned on seeing the race at İstanbul Park instead of watching it on TV this year.

His friend Küsbeci explains the lack of audience interest, saying that people assume the event is “too elite.” “The F1 races have an elite look. It looks like it appeals to only rich people,” he says. A keen Formula One follower, Küsbeci, who works as a security guard at İstanbul Atatürk Airport, used to sit in front of the TV for hours watching the races when he was a child. He also criticizes the public relations work promoting the event, saying people are not even aware of the races in İstanbul.

Murat Şengül (24), a photojournalist, is sad that he will not have the chance to photograph the Turkish Grand Prix because his application to get press accreditation was denied. “I was so sad because it was the last chance for me to take the photos of the race,” Şengül says, adding that it is a pity that Turkey will not host the event again. A lack of audience triggered this year’s being the last one, according to Şengül, who says that, while the stands were full in the first race in 2005, the number of audience attendees steadily declined after that.

Yasin Konuşur (31), a journalist, without commenting over the future of the F1 in Turkey, is much more interested in the future of Turkey’s Formula One circuit, İstanbul Park. “Different events of interest can now take place there. Even if the Formula One ends, the venue can be put to good use,” he says, adding that there is no point in being sad over the race not being held in Turkey next year, as the circuit can be put to better use.

Hatice Kurt (21), a young sales support employee, has a different motivation behind her interest in the Formula One. Kurt says she used to follow the races because of her love for British driver Jenson Button. She says she planned to watch the F1 Turkey Grand Prix numerous times since the races first began in Turkey in 2005 but she could not find a chance due to school and now work.

Mustafa Genç (68), a biochemist, makes clear statements against the event. Genç says he is against the Formula One, just like he is against all high-speed motorsports. “I don’t like this kind of race or speeding. It doesn’t set a good example,” he says, explaining that he developed a negative opinion of the races after his close friend was killed an accident due to speeding.

Ömer Faruk Yıldız (23), a construction technician, is the only person of all those interviewed who bought a ticket to watch this year’s races at İstanbul Park. Yıldız says he has always been passionate about the races and it made him very happy when the Turkish Grand Prix started in 2005. He adds that he awaits the good news that somebody will provide the funds necessary to save the Turkish Grand Prix from oblivion.

The comments coming from the streets reveal that the existence of the Formula One on the outskirts of İstanbul’s Asian side, Kurtköy, did not have an impact on Turkish people in general, although they backed the organization’s taking place in İstanbul. Going to the race seems to be an option that remained in people’s minds only as most of them never went to the races in the six years since they started in 2005. Still, people’s opinions show that there are still some Turks who love F1.

Visitors sometimes base themselves here while they explore the spectacular Ihlara Gorge, then move speedily on again. That´s a pity since there´s much more to a place that was, until 1924 and the Greco-Turkish population exchange, the predominantly Greek settlement of Gelveri. And with the peaceful air of a place overlooked by the outside world, it could hardly be further from the madding crowds that increasingly besiege the better-known towns of Cappadocia.

Güzelyurt (“Beautiful Home&rdquo is most famous as the home of St. Gregory of Nazianzus (St. Gregory the Theologian, c.329-389), one of the so-called Cappadocian Fathers whose writings and teachings helped establish some of the fundamental tenets of Christianity. A close friend of St. Basil of Caesarea (modern Kayseri), Gregory spent much of his life battling what were then seen as heresies, but now look like so much theological nit-picking. He was briefly bishop of Constantinople (İstanbul) and it´s there, in the Greek Patriarchate in Fener, that some of his remains have eventually come to rest after Crusading shenanigans that saw them carried off to Rome in 1204.

Not surprisingly, the most significant monument in Güzelyurt is what was once the Church of St Gregory and is now the Büyük Kilise Cami (Big Church Mosque) right in the heart of the old village. A 19th-century rebuild and a 21st-century restoration make it hard to appreciate that what now looks like a relatively new building actually stands on the site of an original that dated back to the fourth century and which was erected right beside an ayazma, or sacred spring, still accessible down a steep flight of steps. The church is thought to have been commissioned by the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius, and there are those who see in its small dome the model for the great Hagia Sophia (Aya Sofya) in İstanbul. The recent restoration saw a 19th-century wooden iconostasis donated by Tsar Nicholas I moved from the apse to provide a frame for the mihrab, but the pulpit still remains in place, high up on one of the columns. In the grounds a brick minaret built above the gateway has taken the place of the 19th-century clock tower.

Today the mosque´s congregation is slowly fading away as people move into houses in the upper, newer part of town around the modern Ulu Cami. But Gelveri was one of those Cappadocian settlements that received a significant boost at the end of the 19th century as locals who realized that they would never grow rich if they stayed put took themselves to İstanbul where they were soon making enough money to send some back to pay for schools and churches in their home towns. Across the road and up a steep flight of steps is the Sivişli Kilise (Church of the Panagia), which looks like a traditional Cappadocian rock-cut church complete with frescoed dome and apse. It may come as a surprise, then, to discover that it dates back only to this renaissance period at the end of the 19th century.

Not far from the Büyük Kilise Cami you´ll find the entrance to one of Güzelyurt´s two underground cities, pieces in a complex network of hiding places that can be found all over Cappadocia and are believed to date back in part to Hittite times. This one shows clear signs of later reuse with tandır ovens cut into the ground for cooking, but its most famous feature is its squat toilet, isolated along a narrow corridor and the only such convenience so far identified in the underground cities.

It´s well worth taking time to wander around the pretty back streets of Güzelyurt, where you´ll find many fine carved gateways, some still bearing inscriptions in Greek. Here, too, you´ll come across several impressive neighborhood fountains where people would come to collect water in the days before everyone had plumbed-in supplies. More unexpectedly, you´ll also come across a small rock-cut mosque complete with mihrab and mimber that may have started life as a church. It´s the only such example known in Cappadocia.

Signs direct visitors to the 4.5-kilometer-long Monastery Valley, an Ihlara in miniature although without the stream that is such a plus in summer. Cut into the sides of the rocky gorge are yet more small churches that belonged to the original settlement of Karvali (Karballa). They may not boast the fine frescoes of Ihlara but unless you come at the weekend there´s a fair chance you´ll have them to yourself.

While in Güzelyurt it´s worth diverting six kilometers south through the village of Sivirhisar in search of the Kızıl Kilise (Red Church). Standing in splendid isolation in a field, this free-standing sixth-century church is a rarity in Cappadocia (there´s one other, later model, the Çanlı Kilise, south of Aksaray), and was visited in 1907 by that tireless British explorer Gertrude Bell, copies of whose photos adorn the walls of the Otel Karballa. Archeologists speculate that this was the site of Arianzus, the village where St. Gregory was born. Across the field a small mound surmounted by a wild pear tree turned out to cover a tiny fourth-century basilica; it´s possible that St. Gregory´s remains were originally buried in one or other of these two churches. The tiny basilica stood right beside the pilgrimage route that headed south to Antioch (Antakya) and then to Jerusalem; its route is still clearly visible today. Restoration of the Kızıl Kilise is scheduled to start this month.

On the other side of Güzelyurt a somewhat top-heavy stone structure perches on top of a rock overlooking the man-made Gelveri Gölü. This turns out to be a monastic complex made up of the 19th-century Yüksek Kilise (High Church), otherwise known as the Analipsis Kilise (Ascension Church), and a block containing monastic cells and a small refectory with superb views out towards Hasan Dağı (Mount Hasan, 3,258 meters). Cut into the rock face, a flight of steps beside a huge cistern provided easy access. A Neolithic settlement has been identified in fields around the bottom of the rock; slithers of obsidian still littering the ground testify to past tool-making endeavors.

In 1924 the Greeks of Gelveri moved to Nea Karvali outside the Thracian town of Kavala. Every July some of their descendants return to Güzelyurt to remember their ancestry in a whirlwind of festivities alongside the descendants of Turks from Kozan and Kastoria who arrived to take their place.

Until recently Güzelyurt was too far off the beaten track to boast much in the way of accommodation. The single exception was the Otel Karballa, housed inside what was, until 1924, a Greek seminary and where guests can eat their meals in an arch-vaulted dining room; as a sop to softer tourist sensibilities a swimming pool has been installed to the rear. Now though the locals seem to be wising up to the possibilities of tourism, and there are several pensions dotted around the village, most boasting great views from their terraces. Meanwhile, the older men with the longest memories pass their days in the timeless tea gardens of the main square where, beneath their feet, yet another underground city now houses an atmospheric bar.

WHERE TO STAY

Otel Karballa. Tel: 0382-451 2103

Halil´s Pension. Tel: 0382-451 2707

Antique Gelveri Rooms: Tel: 0382-451 2166

HOW TO GET THERE

Fairly regular buses from Aksaray dwindle to just a couple at weekends. Without your own wheels it may be easier to visit Güzelyurt on a tour from Avanos. Kırkıt Voyage has the details (www.kirkit.com).

The Nevruz festivities, which are mainly celebrated by Kurdish and Turkic populations, already ushered in the start of spring in April. As part of the celebrations, people gathered in parks and squares to celebrate the advent of Nevruz.

Throughout the month of May, universities and students come together for spring festivities. These spring festivals are namely music and recreational events, and some institutions, such as the private Koç University, have even taken an additional step and made tickets available on the website Billetix, priced at TL 67.50. The spring festivals on most university campuses are not organized by the university per se but by student-led associations. In particular, social activity clubs at some of the universities are responsible for the events. Social activity clubs within universities are generally the most active clubs, organizing social events throughout the year. Popular musicians may even perform at these May events, demonstrating the proactive efforts exerted by these student-led associations.

The doors of the university are also opened to the general public during this period. Alcohol consumption, which is generally not allowed on university premises, is permitted at some institutions during the festivities. Boğaziçi University’s Student Services Office has explained that the university has no involvement in the production of the festivities; rather, various student-led clubs prepare different activities and very few people who are employed by the university actually participate in the events.

A representative of the student-led council of Koç University stated that the event is one that is open to the public and that they welcome every age group. However, they added that although the festival is open to the general public, experience from previous years shows that there are always a larger number of younger people attending the festival, as it is primarily organized by youth associations within the university.

Fatih University, İstanbul’s more multicultural university, takes a different approach to the festivities. During the first week of May, international student associations organize a cultural festival, as part of which they celebrated the diversity of their university.

In addition, the spring festival of Hıdırellez is İstanbul’s largest annual free festival; it is a celebration of “the day of Hızır” -- which in Islamic belief is the day that the prophets Hızır and Ilyas met. Hıdırellez falls on May 5-6 and it is believed that all wishes that are made on that night will be granted within the span of a year.

For the past 11 years, celebrations have taken place on the night of May 5 at Ahırkapı in the touristic district of Sultanahmet. People involved in the festival commonly write their wish on a piece of paper and attach it to a sacred Nahil, or “wish tree.”

This year, however, the festival has been cancelled. The main reason for the cancellation of the festival was due to the lack of security needed for the management of the large crowds that attend the festivities. Although the main festival in Ahırkapı was cancelled this year, smaller Hıdırellez festivals continue to take place throughout the various provinces of Turkey. The Roma community within Turkey in particular places special emphasis on the celebration of this day.

The Kakava festival is generally celebrated by the Roma populations of Turkey and takes place in the western province of Edirne. Edirne Roma Association head Fikri Ocak states that the Kakava festivities represent one of the “greatest” days in the calendar. A bonfire ceremony and music play a large role in the celebrations.

May 19 is also Youth and Sports Day and is an public holiday in Turkey. The day commemorates the start of the Turkish War of Independence. During this period youth-led organizations across the country usually organize festivals and celebrations. Youths around Turkey generally observe the day by singing the national anthem and attending sporting events, and various parades often take place.